PhDr., CSc. Vladimír Klíma

* 1936

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  • "Immediately afterwards, the day after that, the Red Army men drove the German prisoners through Holečková street, then up Zapova street to Hřebenky, and there they drove them at a trot. And there, simply, when someone turned off or got tired, they shot him, and I, as a boy on that tenth of May, saw with my own eyes on the pavement in Holečkova street a human brain."

  • "I was interested in the Protectorate newspapers. Or my dad, for example, I said, I was in the first grade, it was after the Heydrichiad in the year forty-two, so in the year forty-three the year started quite favourably - with the defeat at Stalingrad. So I noticed that there at Gabriel in Holečkova street, the Nazi, Reich flags were pulled down to half-mast. So I asked my dad about it, about Stalingrad, and he readily told me, of course [with] the understanding that I wouldn't talk about it, and he just said in his proletarian way, 'They got their asses kicked.'"

  • "In July I went to the Sonnenberg meeting in the UK. And that was my first Britain, although I had clearly studied English and French at the philological faculty, it was philology and philosophy and history in the same building then, where it still is, by the Rudolfinum, and I didn't get into that English-speaking sphere until actually that year, sixty-eight in July, because of the relaxed conditions, and I already had a very ideological paper there, which dealt with the interpretation of Dubček's reform, and there was, for example, a participant, her name was Livia Hrozjenčíková, she was the wife of a high-ranking cadre from Bratislava, the director of the Institute of East European History at the Slovak Academy of Sciences. And before the war, she had already been strongly left-leaning and was involved together with Gustáv Husák. She told me already in July ’68: “Yeah, Gusta won’t rest until he’s right at the top. That’s just in his nature.” Tha´s his nature. Despite his long imprisonment. Other people would have become disillusioned after being locked up by the communists, but not him. And she said literally that she had information that soon the tanks would come - that was in July 1968.

  • “The radio played a huge role then because there was no TV or anything. The ‘normal’ radio could not broadcast at first. I think they were just not prepared in the morning on the fifth of May. People were listening in the streets to what was going on. And they would hop on trams and go to help by the radio building, and in the evening they started dismantling the paving. People, including children, made like bucket brigades and handed each other the paving bricks to build a barricade, and it was quite heavy for some of the children. Sure, they used whatever they could in building the barricades – whatever they found in the backyards or gardens, old junk and so on. We welcomed and shook hands with the Vlasov people in Smíchov, since it was the western end of Prague, the next morning. They wore Nazi uniforms, so initially there was some hesitation as to whether they are Nazis.”

  • “My father was rather dispirited all day on 8 May since he had nothing left to smoke. We went to see grandma to Vinohrady via Jirásek Bridge. He took me along and it was a nice walk in the morning – there was no Red Army yet. Walking the bridge towards grandma, he said, ‘Grandma could have a cigarette hidden somewhere;’ he was looking forward to it. Suddenly, a Nazi started firing what was likely an automatic rifle at the Jirásek Bridge paving from a roof light next to the Dancing House. I think that if he wanted to hit us he could; there was no bitumen at the time, it was stone paving and it flapped unpleasantly. To this day, I still realise how strange it is when bullets hit the paving. Of course, we beat a record as we sprinted to where nobody could hit us from that roof light. Indeed, grandma had something to smoke, but by then tanks were arriving from the other side, from the east from Vršovice along Francouzská Street, and that’s where we shook hands with Red Army soldiers who were cleaning up Prague and were welcomed warmly.”

  • “The totalitarian dictatorship informally divided people into several groups. On the one side, there were its active partisans who had ideals or ambition, or both, or those who sought peace just to focus on their favourite activity, or those who feared persecution or disadvantages if they refused ‘boarding the elevator to power’. On the opposite side, there were active opponents of the regime, resistance members, people with an anti-regime stance, or maybe young people desiring to relocate abroad in order to avoid unpleasant matters, accusations, military service and so on. Between the two sides, there was a mostly passive grey zone whose members avoided public appearances and any situations where they would be forced to specify their stance towards the regime, since saying either ‘yes’ or ‘no’ could give them problems. The grey zone also included people who were merely apolitical viewers of life, just waiting for decades to see the situation unfolding. Usually, the regime requires a certain degree of involvement, but various individuals have different thresholds or limits. So, in a loyalty test, they suggest how far they are willing to go accommodating the regime and what would be too much for them and downright unacceptable for those around them.”

  • “I never had the SSM shirt, and I never needed it. I graduated from the Santoška in Smíchov, and we wore casual clothes in school and nobody had a blue shirt on during the school-leaving exams. But we found out the blue shirts were required on other occasions. We as high school students along with our teachers were called on to take part in a mass meeting in Old Town Square. Comrade Kaganovich, a top representative of Moscow’s politbureau who was very close to Stalin and perhaps even a distant relative of his, was supposed to speak there. A very important person. I remember going to the meeting – we were just a bunch, not marching in twos, approaching the square. An organiser stopped us in one of the narrow Old Town streets leading to the square and asked: ‘Where are you going, comrades?’ We said, ‘To the meeting. Comrade Kaganovich is here.’ He says: ‘No, you cannot. You can only join the meeting with blue shirts on.’ We did not know what to say, then one of us, the bravest of us and like our informal leader, said: ‘Well, his loss, boys. Let’s go.’ And we went back. He actually suggested that Comrade Kaganovich missed out on something because we were not admitted to the meeting without blue shirts. In fact, as we were going home – I think it was in Husova Street – all I could think about was, ‘What would our teacher think seeing us not going to the meeting?’ I looked to the side and saw our teacher on the opposite walkway, rushing in the same direction as us – that is, away from the meeting, going back home, with his head bowed down. So, this is how it all worked back then.”

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    Rožnov pod Radhoštěm, 17.08.2018

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What you give is what you get

Vladimír Klíma
Vladimír Klíma
photo: archive of a witness

Vladimír Klíma was born on February 11, 1936 in Prague, the son of the renowned orientalist, translator and philologist Otakar Klíma, PhDr. (1908-1988). As a child, he experienced the wartime atmosphere of Protectorate Prague - the Heydrich raid, listening to the illegal radio, liberation, fear for his life, as well as the post-war reckoning with German prisoners of war. Through his undeniable talent for language, he was able to study English and French at university in the 1950s, despite his father’s discredit to the Communist regime as politically unreliable. During the 1960s he discovered the magic of the black continent - Africa followed him throughout his life. First, in 1966, he joined the Oriental Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, where he completed a postgraduate degree in African studies. Even then he published articles, gave lectures and went to language conferences. In July 1968, he gave a paper on the Dubček reform in Great Britain, where he also learned from the wife of a high-ranking cadre that Warsaw Pact troops were about to invade Czechoslovakia. He lived through normalisation in a grey area - gradually turning down offers of membership of the Communist Party, as well as the offer of a luxuriously paid job with the State Security Service. He first set foot in Africa in October 1989, and the Velvet Revolution caught up with him there. Shortly afterwards he left the Oriental Institute to gradually become a diplomat - ambassador first to Ghana in Africa and then to Togo and Burkina Faso during the first half of the 1990s. During this career, Vladimír Klíma met with leading politicians such as the then US President Bill Clinton, Czech President Václav Havel, as well as the African dictator Jerry Rawlings, with whom Vladimír Klíma engaged in a confidential conversation. At the end of the 1990s, disgusted by the backstage game, he left diplomacy and continued to teach languages and do research and translation work. At the time of the interview, he was living in Rožnov pod Radhoštěm.